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The purpose of this paper is to attempt to analyse the trend of trafficking of fake Indian currency notes (FICN), which is organised in nature. It accounts the trend of the smuggling of FICN through the route of Nepal and emerging routes as a consequence of the extension and strength of the criminal gangs.

The author utilized the governmental and non-governmental reports besides journalistic reports related to the intention of fake currency trafficking to analyse the ground reality and vested interests of such crime.

Though the open border of Nepal with India is exaggerated as the reason behind the cross-border crimes, such as smuggling of FICN, this paper has falsified the biased perception of labelling the borderline as a crime zone. It finds an outcome of the FICN smuggling that turns the Indo–Nepal border areas as a covert battlefield of organised criminal gangs as well as secret agencies of regional powers.

Due to ethical issues and limitations of research works on the topic, the descriptive analysis that could be carried out was limited.

The negative findings of the crime are implacable, in keeping in mind before establishing a good policy related to development and security of Nepal, especially the Terai region.

The paper highlights social problems and challenges in the Terai region of Nepal that enforced the people residing in that area towards the fake currency racket. Hence, it urged to solve the social problems to curb the financial crime such as counterfeit notes trafficking in the region.

This study is the latest research describing and disclosing the fact behind fake currency trafficking and its consequences.

By the mid-19th century the British colonial state introduced liberal education to India. Amongst various disciplines, political economy illustrates the concerns of the colonial state with the education of Indians, and its anxiety with quelling political discontentment. The emerging Indian nationalist intelligentsia also utilized ideas from classical political economy, first taught in educational institutions, to critique colonial policy and proposed the development of “Indian Economics”, suited to national economic interests. This paper explores the development of political economy as a specific knowledge form in Calcutta University and Bombay University, and its connection with colonial educational policy^.

This study relies primarily on university records and the proceedings of the Education Department to bring out the politically sensitive nature of the teaching of economics in colonial India.

The study finds that political economy grew from being a minor part of the overall university syllabi to becoming part of the first university departments created in early-20th-century India. The government and nationalist forces both found the discipline to be relevant to their respective agendas. The circulation of knowledge theoretical framework is found to be relevant here.

The history of political economy in Indian universities, especially during the 19th century, has not been dealt with in any detail. This study tries to fill this gap. The close connection between politics and the teaching of economics has also not been studied closely, which this paper does.

This essay seeks to extend the original gambit of this forum, of thinking possible modes of postcolonial sociology, unto a more relational terrain. It takes as its point of departure the vexed status of history in sociology and the hermeneutic suspicion of comparison in postcolonial theory. Any potential rapprochement between postcolonial theory and sociology must engage with the deeply incongruent status of history and comparison across these fields. I attempt to bridge this divide historically by revisiting an anti-imperial internationalist sociology forged in interwar colonial India. I seek thereby to show what Pierre Bourdieu called a “particular case of the possible” and to participate in ongoing efforts to “provincialize” sociology.

The purpose of this paper is to articulate the etiology of ethnic conflict in Fiji that moves beyond polemical interpretations which routinely and often erroneously apportion blame.

A critical survey of ethnic conflict between in Indo‐ and indigenous Fijians is offered. The implication of British colonialism on the conflict is underscored.

The paper concludes that the first three coups that occurred in Fiji between 1987 and 2000 were, to varying degrees, the coupled result of the deterioration of indigenous paramountcy in Fijian politics on the one hand and the lack of their improvement in socio‐economic status on the other. In contrast, the 2006 coup is the product of intra‐ethnic discord amongst indigenous Fijians, which ultimately sidelines the question of indigenous paramountcy.

Unlike previous arguments that have largely ignored economic determinants in creating and perpetuating ethnic conflict in Fiji, this paper illustrates how such factors are crucial to conceptualize an understanding of discord between Indo‐ and indigenous Fijians.

What is “postcolonial sociology”? While the study of postcoloniality has taken on the form of “postcolonial theory” in the humanities, sociology's approach to postcolonial issues has been comparably muted. This essay considers postcolonial theory in the humanities and its potential utility for reorienting sociological theory and research. After sketching the historical background and context of postcolonial studies, three broad areas of contribution to sociology are highlighted: reconsiderations of agency, the injunction to overcome analytic bifurcations, and a recognition of sociology's imperial standpoint.